Books: 'Illinois Federation of Colored' – Grafiati (2024)

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This chapter considers how the union's leadership attempted to continue its social revolution within the completely changed context of the emerging Cold War with the Soviet Union. By 1948, “65” was for all intents and purposes expelled from the CIO. It refused to give up on what it called “catch-all” organizing—its version of community-based civic unionism—and joined with other refugees of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) to continue to organize poor workers in various areas under the auspices of the Distributive, Processing, and Office Workers of America (DPO). From 1950 to 1954, the DPO, a merger of the Distributive Workers Union (DWU) with the FTA and the UOPWA, constituted a third labor federation, an alternative to the Cold War versions of the AFL and CIO.

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This chapter charts new developments in Kansas race relations at the turn of the century. The combination of the law, jailhouse defenses, and increasingly professionalized police forces during this period essentially spelled the end of that grisly symbol of white supremacy. The demise of lynching, however, did not signify an end to racist violence. Other types of sensational violence continued apace, all of them capable of reasserting white supremacy and intensifying black fears. All types of routine violence kept the black community on edge. In particular, the chapter looks at killings-by-police and the frequency and spontaneity of the formation of posses and crowds meant to threaten blacks. It also considers the political and economic developments occurring at the early decades of the twentieth century, and how these developments have also served to heighten racial tensions.

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This chapter studies the debates about Asian Americans' near-white status in popular and scholarly discourse. It forwards the idea of “racial interstitiality” as a method of reading the excess of racial formations within the context of the Black/White binary. Cultural documents across disciplinary boundaries reveal the ways in which both “colored” and “white” become enmeshed within the interplay of other oppositions that construct American norms, particularly those regarding class advancement: progressive vs. regressive; modern vs. feudal; and prosperous vs. indigent. The context of Asian racial indeterminacy in this context highlights the emergence of subjects whose values and beliefs were either recognized as potentially worthy of incorporation—hence, “near whiteness”—or, conversely, unworthy.

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This chapter discusses partying as an alternative model of intimacy, black aesthetics, and art inclusive of nonhuman being. It studies eroticism and representations of sex work through the plays of Lynn Nottage and the films of feminist p*rnographer Shine Louise Houston as cultural recognitions of sex that is mediated through “demonic grounds.” Nottage and Houston devise fictional plots and women characters that confirm how and why sexuality exists as a site of memory for some black women. Women's bodies and sexualities are their canvases and creative tools. Although the end result may become representations for national ideology or products to be consumed, the process of creating out of the body and sexuality is in and of itself evidence of power that exceeds the human.

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This chapter examines the role of the Better America Federation (BAF), a business lobby headquartered in Los Angeles, in promoting the doctrine and practice of anticommunism during the interwar period. BAF and other business lobbies harnessed the passion and the infrastructure of the Red Scare to promote their economic and industrial agenda. They used anticommunism (and generous financial inducements) to revitalize and reorient urban police “Radical and Anarchist Squads.” This chapter first considers the open shop movement's fight against communism before discussing big business' domination of of economic and industrial policy during the 1920s. It then looks at the rise of the BAF and its use of the Red Squad and the California Criminal Syndicalism Act as instruments of labor suppression. It also describes the BAF's cultural war against Bolshevism, along with the scandal involving the BAF as well as the federation's demise and resurrection. The chapter shows that the BAF dominated anticommunism on the Pacific Coast from around 1920 until well into the Cold War as part of the Anticommunist Spider Web.

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This chapter describes Negro recreation and sports in Illinois in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In 1847, a ten-mile foot race in Chicago was witnessed by more than 1,000 spectators. The event was won by a Canadian. Nine years later, a Negro represented Cook County at the Alton Convention of Colored Citizens of Illinois. In 1854, a skating match took place on the canal at Elmira between Patrick Brown and George Tate, a colored man. In 1874, the Chicago Evening Journal announced that “the Napoleons, a colored baseball club of St. Louis, are coming to this city to play the Uniques, also colored, for the colored championship.” Pedestrianism also interested the Negroes in the early days of Illinois. This chapter looks at Negro participation in various sports and recreational activities such as racing, cycling, cricket, baseball, football, tennis, and boxing.

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This chapter discusses some of the professions practiced by the Negroes in Illinois during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In I. C. Harris's Colored Men's Professional and Business Directory of Chicago, published in 1885, one teacher, four physicians, and eight lawyers are documented. One of the physicians was a woman. There was no record of Negro dentists, librarians, or social service workers at the time. In 1942, colored librarians were employed at Wendell Phillips High School, Du Sable High School, and Medill High School, while several Negroes were part of the staff of the Chicago Public Library. This chapter considers Negro workers working in a variety of fields such as social service, including Dixie Brooks, Faith Jefferson Jones, and Bernice McIntosh; medicine, like Dr. Ida Nelson Rollins; and law, including those who belonged to the Cook County Bar Association.

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In search of greater educational, employment, social, political, and cultural opportunities, many African American women migrated to Washington with formerly unimaginable aspirations and expectations for themselves. Colored No More establishes this search as formative to a New Negro ethos.The introductory chapter defines “New Negro” and constructs a gender-specific understanding of this historical era and identity, while introducing Washington as both a unique and a representative site for the emergence of New Negro womanhood. Challenging the temporal primacy on the Interwar period in New Negro studies, the introduction asserts the importance of examining the lives of African American women to revisit how we conceptualize the “New Negro.” This chapter also deconstructs our understanding of “colored” as simply a racial marker- gender mattered in how Blackness was experienced during the New Negro era. In search of greater educational, employment, social, political, and cultural opportunities, many African American women migrated to Washington with formerly unimaginable aspirations and expectations for themselves.

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This chapter illustrates how Toomer appears to have gleaned about his family's history while he was conceiving and creating Cane. This material features the fabulous fortune gained and lost by his father, Nathan Toomer, on the death of his second wife, the Georgia heiress Amanda America Dickson, said to be the “richest colored woman in America.” It also involves a near-Gothic narrative of attempted seduction and rape of his half-sister, Mamie Toomer, by her stepbrother, Charles Dickson. This buried family history gave rise to a complex admixture of shame and guilt that compounded Toomer's already conflicted consciousness as a pro-socialist radical born into Washington's light-skinned Negro aristocracy.

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This chapter describes a new period in Nixon's life as well as the storied history of Blacks in El Paso. Nixon would settle in this city alongside his childhood friend Le Roy White and practice his medicine there for the next fifty years. His time in El Paso would prove to be an eventful one, as he encountered, among other things, the start of the Mexican Revolution, Jim Crow, the local chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), World War I, and an epidemic outbreak which would take the life his wife, Esther Nixon. In addition, living in El Paso would also drive him to become more civically and politically active over time.

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This chapter details Elizabeth Clark Gaines's journey from slavery to freedom. At each stage of her life, Gaines plumbed the resources available to her—family, church, literacy, white allies, and the law—to navigate her way to freedom. In the process, legal battles ensued, first with the man who enslaved her for twenty-four years, and then with his eldest son. Thus, Gaines used the law to free herself and her four children. Her success met with hard resistance, both in Kentucky, where signed papers concerning enslavement meant nothing if a slave master refused to honor them, and in Cincinnati, where, as Gaines's grandson Peter later put it, “Nowhere has the prejudice against colored people been more cruelly manifested.”

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This chapter discusses Jane Bolin's career in the legal profession and the lived experiences that produced her as the nation's first African American woman judge. A member of a small unit of black women lawyers, Bolin's early practice mirrored that of other black women lawyers who gained entrance, but not full integration, into the legal profession. Jane's strides in the legal profession from 1931 to 1939 were made relatively quickly, suggesting a tale of easy access and an unobstructed path. However, an examination of her professional life beyond the pioneering peaks reveals the pervasive discrimination that Bolin overcame, and unravels the threads of gender, class, race, credentialism, and politics that colored the fabric of her professional life.

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This chapter considers Jane Bolin's service within the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), her relationship with the NAACP's national leadership, and how she became “persona non grata” to an organization with which she was affiliated since childhood. By examining Bolin's membership and leadership in the New York branch, the chapter uncovers her philosophy of leadership and its authority over her abrupt resignation from the NAACP in 1950. Such an examination would enrich any analysis of a NAACP leadership model and even complicate the tendency to essentialize early black leadership. The key point here is not about how an independently vocal female African American jurist rose to prominence in the NAACP, but how and why she plummeted to the depths of its disregard.

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This chapter chronicles how white businessmen and workers conspired to push blacks to the margins of the economy. In the last decade of the nineteenth century and particularly in the first decade of the twentieth, white conservatives faced a political reality highly conducive to their success. Reflecting on the growth of Jim Crow in the first decade of the twentieth century, an observer declared that the objective was “to set the colored people back a hundred years in their progress.” Thus, the chapter explores issues surrounding segregation in schools, businesses, and residential areas; racial intermarriages; and other instances of preventing blacks from attaining economic and political advancement. At the same time the chapter also documents a burgeoning civil rights movement.

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This chapter discusses Regina's decades-long battle with the New York Public Library (NYPL). For all that she was doing for the NYPL, Regina believed that she was neither being paid a wage that recognized her contributions nor being afforded the opportunities for promotion she deserved. Her relationship with Ernestine Rose deteriorated as Regina frequently asked W. E. B. Du Bois, representing the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, to intervene on her behalf with the NYPL administration. In order to understand Du Bois' involvement with Regina, the chapter examines his earlier dispute with the NYPL administration on behalf of librarian Catherine Latimer—the first African American librarian in the system. Du Bois was particularly galled by the situation at NYPL, which limited African American librarians to a few branches.

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This chapter discusses how almost every historical account of the founding of the United Presbyterian Orphan's Home (UPOH) begins by paying homage to Rev. James Fulton, the young pastor of the Fourth United Presbyterian Church of Allegheny. While Fulton was a central figure in the founding of the United Presbyterian Women's Association of North America (UPWANA), he was not alone; dozens of women set to work establishing the orphanage. Similarly, founding stories often credit Rev. Fulton with inspiring another group of religious women, the Women's Christian Association (WCA), with starting the Home for Colored Children (HCC) in 1880. Nevertheless, it was women who played the crucial role in founding and managing these “sister” orphanages. The women's religious and social motivations shaped the institutions as they developed during their first fifty years.

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This chapter focuses on how the United Presbyterian Orphan's Home (UPOH) proudly reflected on the thousands of children they had helped and pictured them in a long procession next to a line of dedicated orphanage managers. Parents are not only missing from this imagined scene but are literally portrayed as absent from their children's lives. In their self-representations, the Home for Colored Children (HCC) often painted an even more dismal picture of parents, pointing to not only their absence but their alleged abuse and neglect of children. However, beneath the surface of orphanage rhetoric and managers' historical memory, parents were very much present and played a crucial role in the institutions. Parents viewed their children's institutionalization as a temporary necessity, a deliberate parenting choice and not an abandonment of their parenting responsibilities.

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This chapter considers how the Home for Colored Children (HCC) recorded a version of its founding story that traces the genesis of the institution to a state law. Several succeeding versions of this tale cite the role of legislation in prompting the formation of a new institution for African Americans, suggesting that the state acted as a progressive agent, forcing changes in the handling of all dependent children. While this version of HCC's founding story is not entirely accurate, it contains an essential truth: progressive reform ideas were starting to circulate in this period and had real impact on the development of child care institutions. The story locates the impetus for change outside of the orphanage founders themselves, placing it instead on progressives working through the government to enact new state laws regulating child welfare.

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This chapter talks about how the story of Nellie Grant and the founding of the Home for Colored Children (HCC) highlights many of the salient threads of the institution's history. Over its first fifty years, the HCC both reinforced and resisted racial segregation and discrimination. This tension was particularly apparent in the educational opportunities provided by the orphanage. It also saw moments of interracial cooperation through its partially integrated board of managers, raising questions about racial attitudes and the motivations of both the white and black women who served in its early years. The orphanage had complicated relationships with both whites and with African Americans. Yet the orphanage manager's initial resistance toward, and eventual shift to, racial integration was set in motion through the persistent efforts of progressive reformers and African American leaders.

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This chapter demonstrates how, after five years of heading up a few of the left-led Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) refugees, the DPO and District 65 were attacked and on the verge of collapse. It had proved almost impossible to continue to organize without the security provided by the CIO, and the union's Executive Board finally decided to accept the CIO's terms for reinstatement. The chapter follows District 65 as it attempted to rebuild and, essentially, prove its worth to the rest of the labor movement and to civil rights organizations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). The chapter explores the consequences of the reaffiliation for the union's “militant” fight for economic equality and offers an analysis of how District 65's organizing strategies were affected by reaffiliation with the CIO.

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This chapter examines the collective killing of women and children, demonstrating that the lynching of female and juvenile victims occurred more often than scholars have appreciated and that the practice reflected, in its own particular way, lynchers' elastic, masculinist ideology. The lynching of women has long been shrouded by a kind of historical amnesia. In part, this is due to the limited sources; many of the cases received only cursory newspaper coverage and very few generated court records. Modern scholarship has also relied heavily on the annual lists of lynchings published by the Chicago Tribune, the Tuskegee Institute, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). As historians have pointed out, the traditional periodization of modern lynching scholarship also excludes much of the long history of mob violence against people of Mexican origin or descent.

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This chapter focuses on some of the occupations of the Negroes in Illinois after the Civil War. Even after the Civil War, colored persons were mostly confined to the field of domestic and personal service—as butler, coachman, maid, cook, housekeeper, valet, or janitor. Others who were gainfully employed were found in the occupations in agricultural work and at unskilled labor. The tasks at which Negroes were employed were a reflection of the limited opportunities afforded members of the race earlier in the South and of the fierce competition they met in the North when they attempted to find employment in fields other than those to which they were traditionally attached. This chapter examines the Negro's role in Illinois employment and the racial prejudice the race encountered in seeking to carve a place in the labor market.

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This introductory chapter discusses string chamber music, which fostered a variety of social interactions that helped build communities within communities in the nineteenth century. Chamber music for strings resists easy incorporation into the dominant narrative of musical developments centered on technological progress and compositional innovation. This is because chamber music's association with musical conservativism and orthodoxy has colored its reception since at least the 1840s. One reason for string music's apparent orthodoxy lies in the fact that stringed instruments themselves experienced only subtle organological changes in the nineteenth century in comparison to the piano or to wind instruments, which radically changed the timbre of the orchestra in symphonic and operatic works. Moreover, observations that string chamber music remained essentially conservative in its treatment of genre, form, harmony, and the like betray modern historiography's obsession with innovation.

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This chapter describes Regina's active retirement years and examines her legacy. Regina lived for nearly a decade as a widow until February 5, 1993, when she died at the age of ninety-one in the Bethel Nursing Home. Regina's death was reported in the New York Amsterdam News—the newspaper that had covered her social engagements, creative pursuits, wedding, and professional accomplishments. Regina's last will was a testimony to her strong commitment to various organizations. Regina left several thousand dollars to various organizations located in New York City, including two thousand dollars to the National Urban League and an equal amount to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; one thousand dollars to National Council of Women of the United States, two thousand dollars to the American Council for Nationalities Services, and one thousand to the Washington Heights Branch of the New York Public Library.

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This chapter continues the discussion of Equiano/Vassa's autobiography, focusing on its role in the literary tradition as the most important eighteenth-century slave narrative in order for Barrett to set up the long tradition of the fugitive slave narrative in its pre-classic (prior to 1800), classic (1830–1865), and postbellum (1865 and later) versions. It then turns to a number of fugitive slave narratives and related abolitionist texts from the classic period: William Grimes's Narrative of the Life of William Grimes, the Runaway Slave (1855); James Bradley's 1835 journalistic account of his own enslavement; David Walker's Appeal to the Colored Citizens of the World, but in Particular, and Very Expressly to Those of the United States of America (1829); Frederick Douglass's Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave, Written by Himself (1845) and My Bondage and My Freedom (1855).

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This chapter chronicles the long “Red Summer” and persistent racial violence throughout the 1920s. With America's entry into World War I, black populations swelled in response to labor shortages, thus precipitating racial conflict over jobs and housing between white residents of northern industrial cities and the black newcomers. These tensions would culminate in the “Red Summer,” a season of race riots, conflagrations, and other types of spectacular violence. Though the wartime surge in violence would subside after 1921, racial prejudice and violence continued on. Despite these setbacks, however, black resistance likewise persisted; and this period marks the ascent of a new generation of civil rights activists, as well as a few other notable milestones such as the Thurman-Watts v. Board of Education of Coffeyville and Brown v. Board of Education decisions and the establishment of the Kansas City branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).

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This chapter examines Sarah Bernhardt's appearance in the 1900 short film Hamlet. Part of Paul Decauville's program for the Phono-Cinéma-Théâtre at the Paris Exposition, Bernhardt's film featured the fencing scene of Hamlet. She had played (and toured) Hamlet successfully on the live stage the previous year. In this way, the film pointed backward just as it pointed forward, to a known theatrical show and to invention, to mechanical mediations that brought with them new ways of presenting and promoting theater. This chapter considers how live musicians, the phonograph, and hand-colored film contributed to Decauville's initiative and hence to Hamlet. It argues that Bernhardt's short film was a calculated response to the new media and to its possible future. Bernhardt did not just adapt her stage work for the screen; she was a savvy businesswoman aware that cinematized theater could attract new audiences to her.

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This chapter examines Kernis's music in the years 1991–1995, a period marked by a proliferation of dark, brooding works responding to world conflicts. These works include the Second Symphony (1991), a reaction to the first Gulf War; Still Movement with Hymn (1993), provoked by the war in Bosnia; Colored Field (1994), inspired by his 1989 visit to Auschwitz and Birkenau; and Lament and Prayer (1995), a memorial to the Holocaust. Was it the self-confidence brought on by increasing fame that in some sense empowered Kernis to take on these greater-than-life themes or to imagine that in some way he could, by his art, effect a change in the world around him? Such a viewpoint in no way indicates a misplaced self-importance. Rather, it is essential to the very art of composition, to the communicative goal that most composers pursue: the reaching out, through personal self-expression, to move and commune with listeners, and ultimately inspire a transformation in them.

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This chapter examines how Fannie Barrier Williams responded to both hardening racial attitudes and the growth of the black population in the second decade of the twentieth century by joining forces with black and white club women in their attempts to solve the many problems that plagued the black community. It begins with a discussion of the race riots sparked mainly by anger over increasing black migration that led to the formation of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). It then considers Barrier Williams' efforts in expanding the services of local organizations and increasing black women's engagement with municipal work in Chicago. It also explores how race and gender defined Barrier Williams' espousal of women's participation in municipal politics and concludes with an assessment of her personal loss during the period: the deaths of her mother Harriet and husband S. Laing, as well as friends Celia Parker Woolley and Jenkin Lloyd Jones.

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This chapter examines the history of Negro achievement in education in Illinois. In January 1825 the Illinois Legislature enacted a law calling for the establishment of common schools in each county of the state. These schools were to be open and free to every class of white citizens between the ages of five and twenty-one years, but it was not until the year 1841 that Negroes were given consideration. In the city of Chicago no discrimination was shown against Negro children in the public schools until 1863, when the council passed an order establishing a separate school for colored children. The first school for Negro children was opened by Miss Rebecca Elliott, who came to Peoria from Cincinnati in 1860. In Cairo, the first public school for Negroes was started in 1853. Also during this period, several churches in Alexander County conducted daily classes that taught readin', writin' and 'rithmetic. This chapter discusses various initiatives to increase Negro access to education in Illinois.

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This chapter examines the experiences of Illinois Negro soldiers in the Union army that fought in the Civil War. According to George W. Williams, Illinois sent 1,811 soldiers during the Civil War, but Champaign's Union and Gazette states that “of the colored men enlisted in the war, Illinois raised one thousand one hundred and eleven.” The correct number was perhaps an average between the two figures; downstate Quincy alone is said to have raised 903 of these men. Congress was appealed to decide whether or not Negroes were to fight in the conflict; after long months of pro and con debate an act was passed requiring that Negroes be paid ten dollars per month, with three dollars deducted for clothing while white soldiers received thirteen dollars per month in addition to their uniforms. This chapter considers the role of H. O. Wagoner in leading the Negro personnel of Civil War forces in Illinois, as well as questions regarding the Negro's place in military affairs.

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This chapter discusses Ida. B. Wells's crusade against Negro lynching and other abuses. Illinois newspapers adhering to the Democratic Party almost invariably treated the Negroes with undisguised hostility, while even the Republican press often subjected them to heavy-handed humor. While attention was centered upon those unfortunate enough to become involved with the police, the most eminent colored people were not immune to ridicule and abuse. This chapter looks at the efforts of Wells, whose reputation as a journalist and crusader against lynching spread after the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago, when she collaborated with Frederick Douglass, I. Garland Penn, and Ferdinand L. Barnett on writing a booklet recording the achievements of American Negroes and refuting the false impressions created by most of the newspapers. Wells wrote for various Negro publications under the pseudonym “Iola” and was recognized as the most implacable and effective enemy of mob rule and racial discrimination in general.

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This chapter examines early discourses on the relationship between television and the developing black freedom movement, with particular emphasis on optimistic hopes that television could be a progressive tool for African American advancement and racial justice. Unlike radio, early network television appeared to take seriously obligations to present African Americans in respectful ways. In the early 1950s, for example, NBC's politically progressive chief censor worked to eradicate offensive black stereotypes from programming by scrubbing references to “darkies,” images of Stepin Fetchit–style characters. This chapter first considers the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's protest against the Amos 'n' Andy and response to the Beulah radio shows before discussing the role of entertainment television in the pre-civil rights period. It looks at the ABC program The Beulah Show. While Beulah exemplifies early television's initial foray into the arena of race relations and black representation, this chapter argues that it did not give viewers a concept of black and white on equal terms.

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This chapter examines the debate over the extent to which network television was giving Southern segregationists and Northern integrationists “equal time” by focusing on audience reception of two controversial news documentaries about civil rights that aired in 1959 and 1961: NBC's report on “massive resistance” to school desegregation and CBS's report on violence against Freedom Riders. The NBC documentary report starred Chet Huntley and the CBS report, Howard K. Smith. This chapter first explores the discord and controversy sparked by the Fairness Doctrine before turning to Huntley and Smith's editorializing about desegregation and Southern race relations in their programs. In particular, it discusses Huntley's suggestion that the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People should step out of the school desegregation battle because of its “militancy,” and Smith's commentary about the evils of segregationist violence and those who tolerate it. Drawing on evidence of audience response, the chapter argues that the sectional and political rifts around race were not being assuaged by television coverage.

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This chapter examines the efforts by black female nurses and white male nurses to claim a space for themselves in a profession that relegated them to the margins. It begins with a discussion of the founding of the National Association of Colored Graduate Nurses and the Army Nurse Corps (ANC), along with an overview of healthcare and home-front racial politics during World War II. It then turns to nurse shortages during World War I and World War II and proceeds by analyzing the World War II integration campaign by African American female nurses within the larger context of the civil rights movement. In an effort to break down racial barriers, the chapter shows that African American nurses co-opted traditional gender conventions to make the claim that the sex of the nurse, not race, should determine nursing care for soldiers. It also explores how African Americans used wartime rhetoric about equality and democracy on behalf of their campaign for equal rights, justice, and opportunity.